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Our Dossier

This dossier documents the United States relationship with the Middle East. Please use the tabs to access the three sections of this dossier:
 

Tab 1 lists US priorities with regard to the Middle East., major US Govt statements, latest US Govt statements, US Govt fact sheets, and other US Govt resources

Tab 2 lists non-US Government  reports, journal articles, and other documents.

Tab 3 provides a set of links to major web sites.


If you cannot find what you are looking for, please contact us through email.

   
 

Non-US Govt Reports

Non-US Government Report iconWhy They Died
Civilian Casualties in Lebanon during the 2006 War.
Source: Human Rights Watch, Sep. 6, 2007.

Non-US Government Report iconEnduring occupation: Palestinians under siege in the West Bank. Source: Amnesty International, June 4, 2007.

Non-US Government Report iconThe Challenge of Economic Reform in the Arab World: Toward More Productive Economies. Source: Carnegie Middle East Center, Web posted May 7, 2007.

Non-US Government Report icon Time to Talk to Iran. Source: Foreign Policy Centre, Feb. 5, 2007.

On the one year anniversary of Iran's referral to the Security Council, a new joint report by 15 organisations - including think tanks, aid agencies, religious groups and Trade Unions - warns that, despite the seriousness of the situation, there is still 'time to talk'. This must be used to avoid an escalation with potentially disastrous consequences.

Non-US Government Report icon Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Director General, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Board of Governors. June 8, 2006.

According to this report from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Iran began a new phase of uranium enhancement during the week of June 2. The report also avers that Iran is pushing ahead with installing more cascades of centrifuge enrichment machines. The report says that on June 6th Iran resumed feeding UF6 uranium gas into its pilot 164-centrifuge cascade in Natanz on Tuesday after a pause of several weeks to do test runs of the machines without UF6.

 

 
 

United States Policy toward the Middle East: a Dossier

Secretary Rice, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at their trilateral meeting at the David Citadel Hotel, Jerusalem.  Photo credit:  Matty Stern/U.S. Embassy, Tel Aviv
Secretary Rice, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at their trilateral meeting at the David Citadel Hotel, Jerusalem. Photo credit: Matty Stern/U.S. Embassy, Tel Aviv

Journal Articles

Disclaimer: The materials in this section are from sources outside the U.S. Government and should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein or as official U.S. policy.

THE FRAGMENTATION OF PALESTINE. Glenn E. Robinson. Current History, December 2007, pp. 421-426. "Ironically, without concerted effort by all parties to forge a credible Palestinian state, the solution that almost nobody wants will gradually emerge: that of a single, binational state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea." READ MORE

MIDDLE EAST MUDDLE. Dennis Ross. The National Interest, November/December 2007, pp. 30-38. "Rarely have we faced more daunting problems in the Middle East and seemed farther away from resolving or even defusing them. There is surely no more important foreign-policy priority than finding ways to ameliorate the challenges and conflicts that confront us in the region. This won't be done with slogans or declarations or even 'surges' that are disconnected from a clear political and diplomatic strategy; nor will it be done with international meetings that are not thoroughly prepared and choreographed in advance." READ MORE

U.S. POLICY ON IRAN. Peter Katel. The CQ Researcher, Nov. 16, 2007, pp. 961-984. "President George W. Bush is turning up the heat on Iran. Official hostility to the United States and its closest Middle East ally, Israel, remains high in Iran. But many observers say that any military move on Iran could add to dangers for U.S. forces next door in Iraq. That's a major reason that even top foes of Iran urge the administration to strike Iran's government by aiding dissidents rather than by force of arms." READ MORE

THE POLITICS OF NATIONAL SECURITY: AN UNABASHED LIBERAL VIEW. Todd Gitlin, World Policy Journal, Summer 2007, pp. 45-53. "Anyone who doesn't think we have a grave fight on our hands is morally frivolous and in intellectual default. But anyone who thinks that today's jihadis are the military equivalent of the Wehrmacht is profoundly ignorant. And anyone who thinks that the struggle against the jihadis can be waged with blithe indifference toward how a billion Muslims see the United States is ignorant to the point of stupefaction. Today's global interdependence, like the eighteenth century's struggle for independence, demands that the United States be guided by 'a decent respect to the opinions of mankind.' " READ MORE

THE FUTURE OF THE MIDDLE EAST: STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES. F Gregory Gause III, Fareed Mohamedi, Anthony H Cordesman et al. Middle East Policy, Fall 2007, pp. 1-27. "The subject we are talking about today wasn't of interest to many people not so long ago, but, quite tragically, it has now become almost a national obsession in the United States. The Middle East is not a pretty picture for American foreign policy. On the other hand, our backing of Israel's efforts to pacify the Palestinians rather than negotiate peace with them has discredited us as peacemakers without gaining security for Israel. Our attempt to isolate the democratically elected Palestinian government has further discredited us as supporters of democratization in the region. Among other results, our policy has quite predictably left Hamas nowhere to go but deeper into the embrace of Iran." READ MORE

ARAB INTELLECTUALS AND THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION'S CAMPAIGN FOR DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE. Sami E Baroudi, The Middle East Journal, Summer 2007, pp. 390-418. "This article considers how Arab intellectuals represent the United States and American foreign policy in their editorial contributions to Arabic newspapers. As a case study, it examines Arab intellectuals' reactions to the George W. Bush Administration's campaign to effect democratic change in the Middle East, as articulated in the Administration's 2004 Greater Middle East Initiative (hereafter GMEI or Initiative)." READ MORE

WINNING THE RIGHT WAR. Philip H. Gordon, Survival, December 2007, pp. 17-45.
"It would be comforting to believe that the main cause of America's difficulties has been the lack of time or resources. But there are in fact few signs that things are moving in the right direction, and there is little reason to believe that 'staying the course' - or indeed expanding the fight - will succeed. Sadly, there is a more compelling conclusion: the administration is failing because it is fighting the wrong war. It has misdiagnosed the most important origins of the problem, put too much faith in military force and tough talk, needlessly alienated friends and allies, and neglected the important ideological aspects of the struggle. Until the administration changes course - or more likely, leaves office - the United States will continue to risk creating more enemies than it eliminates." READ MORE

KNOWING THE ENEMY. Ariel Cohen, Policy Review, October/November 2007, var. pages. Since 9/11, democracies have fought three wars against nonstate Islamist actors. The West needs to draw important lessons from Iraq, Afghanistan, and the clash between Israel and Hezbollah to address these strategic deficits. Lack of clarity in defining the enemy and delays in formulating political and information strategy severely endanger U.S. national interests and the security of the West. READ MORE

ARAB SPRING FEVER. Nathan J. Brown and Amr Hamzawy, The National Interest, Sep/Oct 2007, pp. 33-40. We need to avoid choosing between unrealistic idealism and brutal cynicism. The wider regional scene does not look as bleak as the democratization pessimists in the United States tend to depict it. In contrast to the pessimists, we offer a sober but more hopeful view: Change has been occurring and further reform is possible. But it is neither inevitable nor bound to be purely democratic in nature. Moreover, while the American push for Arab democracy between 2003 and 2005 was not misguided in its essence, it was pursued in such a clumsy and manic manner that the current disillusion was inevitable. READ MORE 

THE MUSLIM MIDDLE EAST: IS THERE A DEMOCRATIC OPTION? McCabe, Thomas R. Orbis, Summer 2007, pp. 479-493. "'Moderate' Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, are moderate only in relative terms, are mostly antidemocratic, and are more correctly considered nonviolent enemies of the U.S. This being the case, a democratic opening in the Muslim Middle East is all too likely to bring to power profoundly antidemocratic groups that are virulently and possibly violently hostile to the U.S. A possible alternative strategy is one stressing good government, with gradual democratization as societies decompress." READ MORE

blue arrow Spiegel, Steven. NEIGHBORHOOD WATCH. Democracy: a Journal of Ideas, Spring 2007, var. pages.

Full text available on publisher web site

"Republican presidents wage war in the Middle East, while Democrats seek
peace. For 60 years, neither approach has worked. Neo-regionalism will. The Middle East is unraveling, in part because it is returning to its roots of communitarian conflict. In the last great cascade of crises, during the 1980s, the Iran-Iraq war was raging, Lebanon was in civil war, and the Israelis and Palestinians were fighting in Lebanon. Today’s situation is much worse: Iraq is ablaze, Iran has political momentum, Lebanon is again imploding, the Israeli-Palestinian scene is mired in a decade of unprecedented violence (first between the two sides and now primarily among Palestinians), the region has become a base of terrorism and a breeding ground for weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and extremism seems to gain from every American misstep. In looking at how to handle this potentially catastrophic combination, what can we learn from previous presidents’ Middle East strategies–and can this analysis help pave the way to a more secure and stable future?" Steven Spiegel, author of The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict: Making America’s Middle East Policy from Truman to Reagan, is a professor of political science at the University of California, Los Angeles.

blue arrow Telhami, Shibley. AMERICA IN ARAB EYES. Survival, Spring 2007, pp. 107–122.

Full text available upon request

"It is no secret that the vast majority of Arabs and Muslims outside Iraq strongly opposed the US-led invasion of that country. Most Arab governments shared the view of their public that the war was ill advised, but many felt they could not say ‘no’ to Washington. There was profound mistrust of American motives and fear that the regional consequences would be devastating. US policymakers knew, too, that the American public would judge the George W. Bush administration’s decision to go to war on the war’s outcome. Had things gone well, much would have been forgiven. While America retains much power in the Middle East, certainly more than any other state, there is a regional perception that the United States has been weakened. This is evident in public-opinion polls showing that Arabs believe America is now  weaker than it was before the Iraq War. The sense that American forces are overstretched in Iraq has diminished America’s ability to project power elsewhere." Shibley Telhami is the Anwar Sadat Professor for Peace and Development at the University of Maryland, College Park, and Non-resident Senior Fellow at the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution.

blue arrow Ajami, Fouad. LIBERTY FOR STRANGERS: AMERICAN POWER AND THE PREDICAMENT OF THE ARABS. American Spectator, April 2007, pp. 32-40.

Full text available via ProQuest

"The article discusses the U.S.' diplomatic role in the Middle East. The article talks about U.S. President George W. Bush's push for democratic freedom in the region. Some political experts claim Bush used democratic freedom as an excuse when the war in Iraq turned out to be more difficult and deadly to explain. Analysts say Bush linked Middle Eastern freedom with U.S. security from terrorism." Fouad Ajami teaches at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. This essay is the seventh in a ten-part series being published in successive issues of The American Spectator under the general title, "The Pursuit of Liberty: Can the Ideals That Made America Great Provide a Model for the World?"

blue arrow Kupchan, Charles A. PERSPECTIVE: EUROPE AND AMERICA IN THE MIDDLE EAST. Current History, March 2007. pp. 137-139.

Full text available upon request

During President George W. Bush’s second term, relations between the United States and Europe have recovered somewhat from the transatlantic acrimony that followed Washington’s decision to invade Iraq. Bush has reached out to the Europeans, making clear that he welcomes a more capable and coherent European Union, especially one that helps shoulder burdens in the Middle East. EU member states have taken up the offer and pursued a new level of engagement in the region, particularly with respect to Iran and Lebanon. Despite this tentative repair of the US-European rift, however, the Middle East still has considerable potential to divide the transatlantic community. With the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan failing to bring stability to those countries, and a new crisis looming over Iran, the Middle East may yet again challenge the limits of transatlantic partnership. Charles A. Kupchan is a professor of international affairs at Georgetown University and a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.

blue arrow Saleh, Nivien. EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTHERN AFRICA: THE SUBTLE QUEST FOR POWER. Mediterranean Quarterly, Winter 2007. pp. 75-88.

Full text available from publisher website

In November 1995 the foreign ministers of the European Union and twelve southern Mediterranean states convened in Barcelona, Spain, to pledge bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the area of security, culture, and economics. Their pledge launched the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. The partnership exemplifies the regionalist approach of the EU to world politics, which differs from that of the United States in a number of ways. Is the difference substantive or merely stylistic? Is the EU, in its regionalist ventures, not interested in accumulating capabilities and exercising power? Or does it simply channel power differently? This is the question the author seeks to investigate in this essay on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Nivien Saleh is a visiting professor in political science at Northern Arizona University.

blue arrow Cofman Wittes, Tamara and Sarah E. Yerkes. THE MIDDLE EAST FREEDOM AGENDA: AN UPDATE. Current History, January 2007, pp. 31-38.

Full text available upon request

"In a November 6, 2003, speech to the National Endowment for Democracy, President George W. Bush announced the launch of what is now known as the 'Freedom Agenda,' an ambitious policy to improve the long-term stability of Arab states and reduce the appeal of extremist ideology by advancing democratic transformation in the region. This new strategy, a response to the attacks of 9-11, represented a major shift in the traditional us foreign policy approach to the Middle East. It has evoked varied reactions, ranging from enthusiasm to ambivalence to outright hostility. Today, a little more than three years on, the Freedom Agenda faces a backlash from critics concerned that Arab democratization might not work out in the United States’ favor. Elections in Iraq, Egypt, and the Palestinian territories in 2005 and 2006 brought success to groups with radical and, in some cases, anti-American views, provoking responses from the us government that called into question America’s commitment to democratization." Tamara Cofman Wittes is director of the Arab Democracy and Development Project and a research fellow with the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. Sarah E. Yerkes is a Ph.D. candidate in the department of government at Georgetown University and a former research analyst at the Saban Center.

blue arrow Olson, Robert. RELATIONS AMONG TURKEY, IRAQ, KURDISTAN-IRAQ, THE WIDER MIDDLE EAST, AND IRAN. Mediterranean Quarterly, Fall 2006, pp. 13-45.

Full text available upon request

"In this essay, I address cooperative economic, trade, and political relations
among Turkey, Iraq, Kurdistan-Iraq, the Wider Middle East, and Iran, some
of which were imposed and expedited by the US invasion and occupation of
Iraq in March 2003. I also address the relations in the broader context of the
US-initiated and European-supported Wider Middle East Initiative (WMEI).
The WMEI is interpreted here as a policy to support privatization and capital
markets in the Middle East, and not just as a fund-raising instrument to support
democratization. In my view, it is essential to consider Turkey’s relations with Iraq, Kurdistan-Iraq, and Iran within the context of the objectives of the WMEI,
especially with respect to Turkey’s relations with the United States, Israel,
the American Jewish community, Jordan, the Palestinians and the Arab Gulf
countries (the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf area)." Robert Olson is professor of Middle East Politics at the University of Kentucky.

 

blue arrow Waxman, Dov. Between Victory and Defeat: Israel after the War with Hizballah. the Washington Quarterly, Winter 06-07, pp. 27-43.

Full text available from publisher website

Wars once had clear endings and definitive outcomes. They would end with surrenders and peace treaties, ceremonies and victory marches. Wars today rarely end so clearly, if they end at all. The vanquished do not accept defeat, and the victors do not reap the spoils of war. Troops do not return home to showers of confetti and cheering crowds; many instead continue fighting and dying. Such is the nature of contemporary asymmetric wars against insurgents, guerrilla armies, and terrorists. This is something that Israelis must now learn in the aftermath of Israel’s war with Hizballah. Dov Waxman is an assistant professor of political science at Baruch College, City University of New York, and author of The Pursuit of Peace and the Crisis of Israeli Identity: Defending/Defining the Nation (2006)

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