Journal Articles
Disclaimer: The materials in this section are from sources outside the U.S. Government and should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein or as official U.S. policy.
THE FRAGMENTATION OF PALESTINE. Glenn E. Robinson. Current History, December 2007, pp. 421-426. "Ironically, without concerted effort by all parties to forge a credible Palestinian state, the solution that almost nobody wants will gradually emerge: that of a single, binational state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea." READ MORE
MIDDLE EAST MUDDLE. Dennis Ross. The National Interest, November/December 2007, pp. 30-38. "Rarely have we faced more daunting problems in the Middle East and seemed farther away from resolving or even defusing them. There is surely no more important foreign-policy priority than finding ways to ameliorate the challenges and conflicts that confront us in the region. This won't be done with slogans or declarations or even 'surges' that are disconnected from a clear political and diplomatic strategy; nor will it be done with international meetings that are not thoroughly prepared and choreographed in advance." READ MORE
U.S. POLICY ON IRAN. Peter Katel. The CQ Researcher, Nov. 16, 2007, pp. 961-984. "President George W. Bush is turning up the heat on Iran. Official hostility to the United States and its closest Middle East ally, Israel, remains high in Iran. But many observers say that any military move on Iran could add to dangers for U.S. forces next door in Iraq. That's a major reason that even top foes of Iran urge the administration to strike Iran's government by aiding dissidents rather than by force of arms." READ MORE
THE POLITICS OF NATIONAL SECURITY: AN UNABASHED LIBERAL VIEW. Todd Gitlin, World Policy Journal, Summer 2007, pp. 45-53. "Anyone who doesn't think we have a grave fight on our hands is morally frivolous and in intellectual default. But anyone who thinks that today's jihadis are the military equivalent of the Wehrmacht is profoundly ignorant. And anyone who thinks that the struggle against the jihadis can be waged with blithe indifference toward how a billion Muslims see the United States is ignorant to the point of stupefaction. Today's global interdependence, like the eighteenth century's struggle for independence, demands that the United States be guided by 'a decent respect to the opinions of mankind.' " READ MORE
THE FUTURE OF THE MIDDLE EAST: STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES. F Gregory Gause III, Fareed Mohamedi, Anthony H Cordesman et al. Middle East Policy, Fall 2007, pp. 1-27. "The subject we are talking about today wasn't of interest to many people not so long ago, but, quite tragically, it has now become almost a national obsession in the United States. The Middle East is not a pretty picture for American foreign policy. On the other hand, our backing of Israel's efforts to pacify the Palestinians rather than negotiate peace with them has discredited us as peacemakers without gaining security for Israel. Our attempt to isolate the democratically elected Palestinian government has further discredited us as supporters of democratization in the region. Among other results, our policy has quite predictably left Hamas nowhere to go but deeper into the embrace of Iran." READ MORE
ARAB INTELLECTUALS AND THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION'S CAMPAIGN FOR DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE. Sami E Baroudi, The Middle East Journal, Summer 2007, pp. 390-418. "This article considers how Arab intellectuals represent the United States and American foreign policy in their editorial contributions to Arabic newspapers. As a case study, it examines Arab intellectuals' reactions to the George W. Bush Administration's campaign to effect democratic change in the Middle East, as articulated in the Administration's 2004 Greater Middle East Initiative (hereafter GMEI or Initiative)." READ MORE
WINNING THE RIGHT WAR. Philip H.
Gordon, Survival, December 2007, pp. 17-45.
"It would be comforting to believe that the main cause of
America's difficulties has been the lack of time or resources. But
there are in fact few signs that things are moving in the right
direction, and there is little reason to believe that 'staying the
course' - or indeed expanding the fight - will succeed. Sadly, there
is a more compelling conclusion: the administration is failing
because it is fighting the wrong war. It has misdiagnosed the most
important origins of the problem, put too much faith in military
force and tough talk, needlessly alienated friends and allies, and
neglected the important ideological aspects of the struggle. Until
the administration changes course - or more likely, leaves office -
the United States will continue to risk creating more enemies than
it eliminates."
READ MORE
KNOWING THE ENEMY. Ariel Cohen, Policy Review, October/November 2007, var. pages. Since 9/11, democracies have fought three wars against nonstate Islamist actors. The West needs to draw important lessons from Iraq, Afghanistan, and the clash between Israel and Hezbollah to address these strategic deficits. Lack of clarity in defining the enemy and delays in formulating political and information strategy severely endanger U.S. national interests and the security of the West. READ MORE
ARAB SPRING FEVER. Nathan J. Brown and Amr Hamzawy, The National Interest, Sep/Oct 2007, pp. 33-40. We need to avoid choosing between unrealistic idealism and brutal cynicism. The wider regional scene does not look as bleak as the democratization pessimists in the United States tend to depict it. In contrast to the pessimists, we offer a sober but more hopeful view: Change has been occurring and further reform is possible. But it is neither inevitable nor bound to be purely democratic in nature. Moreover, while the American push for Arab democracy between 2003 and 2005 was not misguided in its essence, it was pursued in such a clumsy and manic manner that the current disillusion was inevitable. READ MORE
THE MUSLIM MIDDLE EAST: IS THERE A DEMOCRATIC OPTION? McCabe, Thomas R. Orbis, Summer 2007, pp. 479-493. "'Moderate' Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, are moderate only in relative terms, are mostly antidemocratic, and are more correctly considered nonviolent enemies of the U.S. This being the case, a democratic opening in the Muslim Middle East is all too likely to bring to power profoundly antidemocratic groups that are virulently and possibly violently hostile to the U.S. A possible alternative strategy is one stressing good government, with gradual democratization as societies decompress." READ MORE
Spiegel, Steven. NEIGHBORHOOD WATCH.
Democracy: a Journal of Ideas, Spring 2007, var. pages.
Full text available on publisher web site
"Republican presidents wage war in the Middle East, while
Democrats seek
peace. For 60 years, neither approach has worked. Neo-regionalism
will. The Middle East is unraveling, in part because it is returning
to its roots of communitarian conflict. In the last great cascade of
crises, during the 1980s, the Iran-Iraq war was raging, Lebanon was
in civil war, and the Israelis and Palestinians were fighting in
Lebanon. Today’s situation is much worse: Iraq is ablaze, Iran has
political momentum, Lebanon is again imploding, the
Israeli-Palestinian scene is mired in a decade of unprecedented
violence (first between the two sides and now primarily among
Palestinians), the region has become a base of terrorism and a
breeding ground for weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and extremism
seems to gain from every American misstep. In looking at how to
handle this potentially catastrophic combination, what can we learn
from previous presidents’ Middle East strategies–and can this
analysis help pave the way to a more secure and stable future?"
Steven Spiegel, author of The Other Arab-Israeli
Conflict: Making America’s Middle East Policy from Truman to Reagan,
is a professor of political science at the University of California,
Los Angeles.
Telhami, Shibley. AMERICA IN ARAB EYES. Survival,
Spring 2007, pp. 107–122.
Full text available upon request
"It is no secret that the vast majority of Arabs and Muslims outside Iraq strongly opposed the US-led invasion of that country. Most Arab governments shared the view of their public that the war was ill advised, but many felt they could not say ‘no’ to Washington. There was profound mistrust of American motives and fear that the regional consequences would be devastating. US policymakers knew, too, that the American public would judge the George W. Bush administration’s decision to go to war on the war’s outcome. Had things gone well, much would have been forgiven. While America retains much power in the Middle East, certainly more than any other state, there is a regional perception that the United States has been weakened. This is evident in public-opinion polls showing that Arabs believe America is now weaker than it was before the Iraq War. The sense that American forces are overstretched in Iraq has diminished America’s ability to project power elsewhere." Shibley Telhami is the Anwar Sadat Professor for Peace and Development at the University of Maryland, College Park, and Non-resident Senior Fellow at the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution.
Ajami, Fouad. LIBERTY FOR STRANGERS: AMERICAN POWER
AND THE PREDICAMENT OF THE ARABS. American Spectator, April 2007,
pp. 32-40.
Full text available via ProQuest
"The article discusses the U.S.' diplomatic role in the Middle East. The article talks about U.S. President George W. Bush's push for democratic freedom in the region. Some political experts claim Bush used democratic freedom as an excuse when the war in Iraq turned out to be more difficult and deadly to explain. Analysts say Bush linked Middle Eastern freedom with U.S. security from terrorism." Fouad Ajami teaches at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. This essay is the seventh in a ten-part series being published in successive issues of The American Spectator under the general title, "The Pursuit of Liberty: Can the Ideals That Made America Great Provide a Model for the World?"
Kupchan, Charles A. PERSPECTIVE: EUROPE AND AMERICA IN THE
MIDDLE EAST. Current History, March 2007. pp. 137-139.
Full text available upon request
During President George W. Bush’s second term, relations between the United States and Europe have recovered somewhat from the transatlantic acrimony that followed Washington’s decision to invade Iraq. Bush has reached out to the Europeans, making clear that he welcomes a more capable and coherent European Union, especially one that helps shoulder burdens in the Middle East. EU member states have taken up the offer and pursued a new level of engagement in the region, particularly with respect to Iran and Lebanon. Despite this tentative repair of the US-European rift, however, the Middle East still has considerable potential to divide the transatlantic community. With the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan failing to bring stability to those countries, and a new crisis looming over Iran, the Middle East may yet again challenge the limits of transatlantic partnership. Charles A. Kupchan is a professor of international affairs at Georgetown University and a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
Saleh, Nivien. EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTHERN AFRICA:
THE SUBTLE QUEST FOR POWER. Mediterranean Quarterly,
Winter 2007. pp. 75-88.
Full text available from publisher website
In November 1995 the foreign ministers of the European Union and twelve southern Mediterranean states convened in Barcelona, Spain, to pledge bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the area of security, culture, and economics. Their pledge launched the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. The partnership exemplifies the regionalist approach of the EU to world politics, which differs from that of the United States in a number of ways. Is the difference substantive or merely stylistic? Is the EU, in its regionalist ventures, not interested in accumulating capabilities and exercising power? Or does it simply channel power differently? This is the question the author seeks to investigate in this essay on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Nivien Saleh is a visiting professor in political science at Northern Arizona University.
Cofman Wittes, Tamara and Sarah E. Yerkes. THE
MIDDLE EAST FREEDOM AGENDA: AN UPDATE. Current History, January 2007,
pp. 31-38.
Full text available upon request
"In a November 6, 2003, speech to the National Endowment for Democracy, President George W. Bush announced the launch of what is now known as the 'Freedom Agenda,' an ambitious policy to improve the long-term stability of Arab states and reduce the appeal of extremist ideology by advancing democratic transformation in the region. This new strategy, a response to the attacks of 9-11, represented a major shift in the traditional us foreign policy approach to the Middle East. It has evoked varied reactions, ranging from enthusiasm to ambivalence to outright hostility. Today, a little more than three years on, the Freedom Agenda faces a backlash from critics concerned that Arab democratization might not work out in the United States’ favor. Elections in Iraq, Egypt, and the Palestinian territories in 2005 and 2006 brought success to groups with radical and, in some cases, anti-American views, provoking responses from the us government that called into question America’s commitment to democratization." Tamara Cofman Wittes is director of the Arab Democracy and Development Project and a research fellow with the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. Sarah E. Yerkes is a Ph.D. candidate in the department of government at Georgetown University and a former research analyst at the Saban Center.
Olson, Robert. RELATIONS AMONG TURKEY, IRAQ, KURDISTAN-IRAQ, THE WIDER
MIDDLE EAST, AND IRAN. Mediterranean Quarterly,
Fall 2006, pp. 13-45.
Full text available upon request
"In this essay, I address cooperative economic, trade, and
political relations
among Turkey, Iraq, Kurdistan-Iraq, the Wider Middle East, and
Iran, some
of which were imposed and expedited by the US invasion and
occupation of
Iraq in March 2003. I also address the relations in the broader
context of the
US-initiated and European-supported Wider Middle East Initiative
(WMEI).
The WMEI is interpreted here as a policy to support
privatization and capital
markets in the Middle East, and not just as a fund-raising
instrument to support
democratization. In my view, it is essential to consider
Turkey’s relations with Iraq, Kurdistan-Iraq, and Iran within
the context of the objectives of the WMEI,
especially with respect to Turkey’s relations with the United
States, Israel,
the American Jewish community, Jordan, the Palestinians and the
Arab Gulf
countries (the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf area)."
Robert Olson is professor of Middle East Politics at the
University of Kentucky.
Waxman, Dov.
Between Victory and
Defeat: Israel after the War with Hizballah. the
Washington Quarterly, Winter 06-07, pp. 27-43.
Full text available from publisher website
Wars once had clear endings and definitive outcomes. They would end with surrenders and peace treaties, ceremonies and victory marches. Wars today rarely end so clearly, if they end at all. The vanquished do not accept defeat, and the victors do not reap the spoils of war. Troops do not return home to showers of confetti and cheering crowds; many instead continue fighting and dying. Such is the nature of contemporary asymmetric wars against insurgents, guerrilla armies, and terrorists. This is something that Israelis must now learn in the aftermath of Israel’s war with Hizballah. Dov Waxman is an assistant professor of political science at Baruch College, City University of New York, and author of The Pursuit of Peace and the Crisis of Israeli Identity: Defending/Defining the Nation (2006)






